Search for: All records

Non-native speakers show difficulties with spoken word processing. Many studies attribute these difficulties to imprecise phonological encoding of words in the lexical memory. We test an alternative hypothesis: that some of these difficulties can arise from the non-native speakers' phonetic perception. We train a computational model of phonetic learning, which has no access to phonology, on either one or two languages. We first show that the model exhibits predictable behaviors on phone-level and word-level discrimination tasks. We then test the model on a spoken word processing task, showing that phonology may not be necessary to explain some of the word processing effects observed in non-native speakers. We run an additional analysis of the model's lexical representation space, showing that the two training languages are not fully separated in that space, similarly to the languages of a bilingual human speaker. 

Recent studies have introduced methods for learning acoustic word embeddings (AWEs)—fixed-size vector representations of words which encode their acoustic features. Despite the widespread use of AWEs in speech processing research, they have only been evaluated quantitatively in their ability to discriminate between whole word tokens. To better understand the applications of AWEs in various downstream tasks and in cognitive modeling, we need to analyze the representation spaces of AWEs. Here we analyze basic properties of AWE spaces learned by a sequence-to-sequence encoder-decoder model in six typologically diverse languages. We first show that these AWEs preserve some information about words’ absolute duration and speaker. At the same time, the representation space of these AWEs is organized such that the distance between words’ embeddings increases with those words’ phonetic dissimilarity. Finally, the AWEs exhibit a word onset bias, similar to patterns reported in various studies on human speech processing and lexical access. We argue this is a promising result and encourage further evaluation of AWEs as a potentially useful tool in cognitive science, which could provide a link between speech processing and lexical memory. 

Acoustic word embeddings are fixed-dimensional representations of variable-length speech segments. In settings where unlabelled speech is the only available resource, such embeddings can be used in "zero-resource" speech search, indexing and discovery systems. Here we propose to train a single supervised embedding model on labelled data from multiple well-resourced languages and then apply it to unseen zero-resource languages. For this transfer learning approach, we consider two multilingual recurrent neural network models: a discriminative classifier trained on the joint vocabularies of all training languages, and a correspondence autoencoder trained to reconstruct word pairs. We test these using a word discrimination task on six target zero-resource languages. When trained on seven well-resourced languages, both models perform similarly and outperform unsupervised models trained on the zero-resource languages. With just a single training language, the second model works better, but performance depends more on the particular training--testing language pair. 

In the first year of life, infants' speech perception becomes attuned to the sounds of their native language. Many accounts of this early phonetic learning exist, but computational models predicting the attunement patterns observed in infants from the speech input they hear have been lacking. A recent study presented the first such model, drawing on algorithms proposed for unsupervised learning from naturalistic speech, and tested it on a single phone contrast. Here we study five such algorithms, selected for their potential cognitive relevance. We simulate phonetic learning with each algorithm and perform tests on three phone contrasts from different languages, comparing the results to infants' discrimination patterns. The five models display varying degrees of agreement with empirical observations, showing that our approach can help decide between candidate mechanisms for early phonetic learning, and providing insight into which aspects of the models are critical for capturing infants' perceptual development. 

In acquiring language, differences in input can greatly affect learning outcomes, but which aspects of language learning are most sensitive to input variations, and which are robust, remains debated. A recent modeling study successfully reproduced a phenomenon empirically observed in early phonetic learning---learning about the sounds of the native language in the first year of life---despite using input that differed in quantity and speaker composition from what a typical infant would hear. In this paper, we carry out a direct test of that model's robustness to input variations. We find that, despite what the original result suggested, the learning outcomes are sensitive to properties of the input and that more plausible input leads to a better fit with empirical observations. This has implications for understanding early phonetic learning in infants and underscores the importance of using realistic input in models of language acquisition.